Panel Calls for Immediate Global Coalition on the Dalai Lama Reincarnation

May 23, 2025:  108 Peace Institute in collaboration with the Organisation for Research on China and Asia (ORCA) successfully co-hosted a high-level panel discussions on the theme of “Tibet’s Crossroads: Global Stakeholders and the Succession Imperative” at India International Centre (IIC), New Delhi. 

The first panel From Dharamshala to Beijing: The Diplomatic Calculus of the Dalai Lama’s  Successor” featured Dr. Swati Chawla, Associate Professor, O.P Jindal Global University; ​​Mr Ritesh Mehta, Senior Research Associate, ORCA; Dr Apa Lhamo, Research Fellow, Centre for China Analysis & Strategy. Ms. Eerishika Pankaj, Director of ORCA moderated the discussion.

Ms. Eerishika Pankaj opened the panel by emphasizing the Dalai Lama’s succession not merely as a religious transition but as a major geopolitical concern. She underscored Beijing’s intent to assert dominance over the reincarnation process as part of its broader strategy to legitimize its control over Tibet. This maneuver, she warned, risks legitimacy both domestically and internationally. India, as the home of the Dalai Lama and the likely origin of his next reincarnation, occupies a pivotal role. Ms. Pankaj highlighted India’s responsibility to act in accordance with its democratic values, even as it navigates complex relations with China. She noted that the Dalai Lama’s significance spans political, spiritual, and cultural domains across the Himalayan region, and concluded by urging greater international coordination, with India positioned to take a leading role.

Dr. Swati Chawla brought a nuanced cultural and historical lens to the conversation. She underscored the Dalai Lama’s deep-rooted influence among Himalayan communities, including non-Buddhist populations such as those in Turtuk, where his visit revealed a profound reverence and connection. Dr. Chawla cited the 2022 resolution by the Indian Himalayan Council of Nalanda Buddhist Tradition, which categorically rejected any successor chosen by Beijing to serve political purposes. She commended the Dalai Lama’s efforts to preserve Tibetan heritage in exile, notably by the establishment of educational and monastic institutions.

As a historian, Dr. Chawla critiqued the narrow geographical framing of the issue, urging greater attention to regions like Ladakh, Sikkim, Bhutan, and Nepal, which are equally vested in Tibetan Buddhism. She quoted the Dalai Lama’s recent reflections in Voice for the Voiceless, stating his successor will be born in a “free world,” ensuring the continuity of his spiritual mission rooted in compassion, cultural identity, and moral leadership. In her concluding remarks, Dr. Chawla echoed the Dalai Lama’s appeal for enduring support, calling on India to stand firmly by the Tibetan community’s wishes in determining the future of their spiritual leadership.

Mr. Ratish Mehta expanded the conversation to include security and diplomatic implications, particularly for India. He argued that the succession is a flashpoint in India-China relations, given China’s aggressive stand on reincarnation. This scenario could force India to take a definitive position, potentially straining the delicate balance it maintains between cultural solidarity with Tibetans and cautious diplomacy with Beijing.  Mr. Mehta advocated for a clear, forward-looking Indian policy that prepares for Beijing’s predictable action. He emphasized that India, with its civilizational ethos rooted in justice, compassion, and its constitutional commitment to religious freedom, must play an active role in engaging global stakeholders and articulating a principled and timely policy framework on the succession of the Dalai Lama.

Dr. Apa Lhamo pointed out that Tibetans consider discussing reincarnation while the Dalai Lama is alive as inauspicious and condemned the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) deliberate politicizing of the sacred tradition to reinforce its control over Tibet. Central to this effort is Order No. 5, which gives the Chinese state control over the recognition of religious leaders. Dr. Lhamo described the methods employed by China—ranging from surveillance and coercion to promoting state-approved figures such as Gyaltsen Norbu, who is widely rejected by Tibetans as illegitimate. However, she also noted that the Chinese appear to be maintaining a degree of mistrust against Gyaltsen Norbu, which is evident from his meetings with senior CCP officials, including Wang Huning and Shi Taifeng, during which he has been repeatedly, told to further improve his political convictions and ideological allegiances. She mentioned his conspicuous absence during a powerful earthquake that struck Shigatse – home to Tashi Lhunpo monastery, the traditional seat of the Panchen Lamas. Gyaltsen Norbu did not visit, but rather “prayed” for the victims from Beijing. There is perhaps an underlying fear that he might follow the path of the 10th Panchen Lama, who despite initial cooperation with the state, ultimately challenged its policies through his historic 70,000-character petition.

She also drew attention to China’s international strategy to promote its narrative on reincarnation through global Buddhist conferences and forums. She warned that this dual domestic-international strategy poses deep cultural and diplomatic risks.

In her closing remarks, Ms. Pankaj reiterated the geopolitical stakes for India. Should there be two Dalai Lamas, with one by Beijing and the other selected by the current Dalai Lama, she highlighted the potential of rising tensions along the India-China border as China would push for recognition of its selection. She recommended that there should be a greater policy understanding between democratic nations to deal with the succession process via proactive international engagement on the topic to prevent destabilization in the region and bilateral tensions with China.

 The event witnessed the participation of more than 50 representatives from 25 organizations and universities.

 

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Tsering Youdon

Program Manager

Tsering Youdon is the Program Manager at 108 Peace Institute. She has 6 years of experience as a project officer and program coordinator in the Central Tibetan Administration’s Nepal branch. Her expertise includes planning, designing, and monitoring projects and supporting the capacity building of local organizations and individuals. Tsering is an MBA graduate from Rochester Institute of Technology (RIT) in New York.

Tenzin Donzey

Program Manager

Tenzin Donzey is a Program Manager at the 108 Peace Institute. She has served in the Department of Information and International Relations (DIIR), Central Tibetan Administration (CTA) as a Project Officer and Tibet Support Groups’ Liaison Officer. Tenzin has extensive experience in planning, designing, and managing programs. She is a recipient of the Tibetan Scholarship Program under which she obtained an MBA from Rochester Institute of Technology (RIT), New York.

Dr Lobsang Sangay

Founder and President

Lobsang Sangay is a Senior Visiting Fellow at East Asian Legal Studies Program, Harvard Law School. He was a democratically elected Sikyong (President) of the Central Tibetan Administration and served two terms (2011-21). Lobsang completed his BA and LLB from Delhi University. He did his LLM ’95 and SJD ‘04 from Harvard Law School and received the Yong K. Kim’ 95 Memorial Prize for excellence in dissertation and contributions to the understanding of East Asia at the Harvard Law School. While at Harvard, akin to track III, he organized seven rounds of meetings/conferences between Tibetan, Western, and Chinese scholars, most notably, the first-ever meeting between HH the Dalai Lama and Chinese scholars and students.

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Lobsang Dakpa

Operations Director

Lobsang Dakpa currently serves as the Operations Director of the 108 Peace Institute. He was a democratically elected Member of the Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile from 2016 to 2021. Lobsang holds a BA and LLB, having studied at the National Law School of India University in Bengaluru and JSS Law College in Mysuru. He also earned his LLM from Christ University, Bengaluru. From 2015 to 2016, he worked as a senior Chinese-language reporter for Voice of Tibet. He is a founding member of the Tibetan Legal Association (TLA), where he served as General Secretary from 2013 to 2016 and was later elected as President, serving from 2016 to 2022. Throughout his career, Lobsang has provided legal awareness and education to thousands of Tibetans and non-Tibetans across settlements, monasteries, and schools. He has also offered free legal assistance to many individuals in need. During his term in Parliament, he was invited to participate in numerous national and international conferences, representing the Tibetan community and advocating for justice and human rights.

洛桑扎巴

运营总管

洛桑扎巴目前担任108和平研究院的运营总监。他曾于2016年至2021年间,作为民选代表在西藏人民议会任职。 洛桑拥有文学学士(BA)和法学学士(LLB)学位,曾就读于印度班加罗尔国家法学院(National Law School of India University)和迈索尔JSS法学院(JSS Law College)。他还在班加罗尔基督大学(Christ University)获得了法学硕士(LLM)学位。 2015年至2016年期间,他曾担任“西藏之声”电台的资深中文记者。他是西藏法律协会(Tibetan Legal Association, TLA)的创始成员之一,并于2013年至2016年担任该协会的秘书长,随后于2016年至2022年担任会长。 在其职业生涯中,洛桑致力于为西藏定居点、寺院和学校的成千上万名藏人及非藏人提供法律知识普及和教育。他还为许多有需要的人士免费提供法律援助。 在其议员任期内,他受邀参加了众多国内外会议,代表藏人社区发声,积极倡导正义与人权。

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བློ་བཟང་གྲགས་པ་ནི་༡༠༨ཞི་བདེ་ལྟེ་གནས་ཀྱི་ལག་བསྟར་འགན་འཛིན་ཡིན།ཕྱི་ལོ་༢༠༡༦ནས་༢༠༢༡དབར་ཁོང་གིས་བོད་མི་མང་སྤྱི་འཐུས་ཀྱི་ཕྱག་ལས་གནང་།ཁྲིམས་ལུགས་མཐོ་སློབ་ National Law school of India University, Bangalore དང་Mysore JSS Law School བརྒྱུདཁོང་ཉིད་་ཁྲིམས་ལུགས་རབ་འབྱམས་པ་ (LL.B) སློབ་མཐར་སོན། ཕྱི་ལོ་ ༢༠༡༤ ལོར་རྒྱ་གར་ཁྲིམས་ལུགས་མཐོ་སློབ་Christ Law School, Bangalore ནས་ཁྲིམས་ལུགས་གཙུག་ལག་རབ་འབྱམས་པ (LL.M) མཐར་ཕྱིན་པ་གནང་པ་མ་ཟད།ཁོང་ནི་བོད་མིའི་ཁྲིམས་ལུགས་རིག་པ་བའི་ཚོགས་པ་གསར་འཛུགས་གནང་མཁན་ཁོངས་ཀྱི་མི་སྣ་ཞིག་ཡིན་པ་དང་།ཕྱི་ལོ་༢༠༡༣ནས་༢༠༡༦བར་ཚོགས་པ་དེའི་སྤྱི་ཁྱབ་དྲུང་ཆེའི་ཕྱག་ལས་གནང་པ་དང་།ཕྱི་ལོ་༢༠༡༥ནས་༢༠༡༦དབར་ལོ་གཅིག་རིང་ནོར་ཝེ་བོད་ཀྱི་རླུང་འཕྲིན་ཁང་གི་རྒྱ་སྐད་གསར་འགོད་པ་རྒན་པའི་ཕྱག་ལས་གནང་ཡོད།ཕྱི་ལོ་༢༠༡༦ནས་༢༠༢༢དབར་བོད་མིའི་ཁྲིམས་ལུགས་རིག་པ་བའི་ཚོགས་པའི་ཚོགས་གཙོའི་ཕྱག་ལས་གནང་པ་རེད།དུས་ཡུན་དེ་དག་གི་རིང་།ཁོང་གིས་བཙན་བྱོལ་བོད་མིའི་དགོན་སྡེ་ཁག་དང་སློབ་གྲྭ་ཁག།གཞིས་ཆགས་ཁག་ཏུ་བསྐྱོད་ནས་བོད་མི་ཁྲི་སྟོང་མང་པོ་ལ་ཁྲིམས་ལུགས་ཀྱི་གོ་རྟོགས་སྤེལ་པ་མ་ཚད།ཁྲིམས་དོན་གྱི་དཀའ་ངལ་འཕྲད་པའི་བོད་མི་རྒྱ་ཕྲག་མང་པོ་ལ་ཕྱག་རོགས་གནང་ཡོད།ཁོང་གིས་བོད་མི་མང་སྤྱི་འཐུས་ཀྱི་ཕྱག་ལས་གནང་ཡུན་རིང་།རྒྱལ་ནང་དང་རྒྱལ་སྤྱིའི་ཚོགས་སྡེ་འདྲ་མིན་ཀྱིས་གདན་ཞུས་གནང་ཏེ་བརྗོད་གཞི་འདྲ་མིན་ཐོག་ཚོགས་འདུ་ཆེ་ཆུང་མང་པོ་ལ་ཆ་ཤས་གནང་ཡོད་པ་རེད།